UK: Update on the situation of anarchist comrade Toby Shone

Dark Nights.

Toby’s trial began on 6th October at Bristol Crown Court. The charges for administration of 325.nostate.net, funding of terrorism through the website and dissemination of and collection of material useful to terrorists have now been dropped due to lack of evidence.

The other charges of possession of Class A and B drugs with intent to supply, producing a class B drug and a further count of class AA drug possession are still being pursued. At this present time we understand this could carry a jail term of 3-6 years imprisonment.

The Operation Adream that has been unleashed by the British state is an attempt to destroy 325 & its publications, an attack on counter-information that is connected to the repression that has been ramped up on this island since the pandemic and resulting lockdowns, a repression that has always existed, an attack on any form of active revolt here.

We do not believe in guilt and innocence, neither in passivity, only in solidarity that contributes to the continuation of the conflict against the existent.

Strength & Solidarity to anarchist comrade Toby Shone!

Nothing is over, the conflict continues!

Dark Nights Collective

Free Siyanda demo in Cardiff 10th April.

freesiyanda.com

Red and Black Telly roundup.




Interview on the Situation of Anarchist Comrades Mónica Caballero and Francisco Solar

From es-contrainfo.espiv.net translated by Abolition Media Worldwide.

Continuing with the publications in permanent solidarity with Mónica and Francisco, [Brazilian anarchist website] Facção Fictícia conducted an interview with Relatives and Friends of Subversive Prisoners and Anarchists from the Chilean region. In addition to updating on the status of the trial, the interview addresses the importance of active solidarity with prisoners and recent struggles in the territory dominated by the Chilean State.

In recent years, Mónica and Francisco were subjected to accusations and imprisonment both in the territory dominated by the Chilean State in 2010 (in what became known as the “Bombas Case”) and in Spanish some years later. We would like you to comment a bit about this history of persecution and what was the impact on the spaces and the struggle in general.

To put it in context and make a brief account of the repressive cases where both comrades have been involved, it is necessary to start in 2010. The State sought to put an end to the different attacks with explosives by anarchist and anti-capitalist groups, and launched an attack against different anarchist comrades, accusing them of being part of an “Illicit Terrorist Association,” hitting different anti-authoritarian expressions. After spending long months in prison, an extensive hunger strike and mobilizations, the comrades managed to take to the streets to face a lengthy trial where they were later acquitted.

Shortly afterwards, Mónica and Francisco left for Spain, where in 2013, they were arrested for the explosive attack on the basilica of El Pilar. The collaboration between the States was evident from the beginning, transcending that during the investigation into the attack and before the arrests, different police reports and intelligence personnel traveled from one side to the other, giving recommendations on where to carry out the investigation and confirming suspicions around comrades.

After a speedy trial, both are sentenced to 12 years in prison, and after reducing their sentence to 4 and a half years, they managed to be expelled to Chile in 2017, with the corresponding media circus and police harassment for months.

On July 24, 2020, the day they were kidnapped by the Chilean State, Mónica and Francisco had their preventive imprisonment decreed for 6 months for investigation. Recently, after this time expired, a new term was stipulated and the imprisonment was prolonged without having had a sentence. What is the status of the trial? Is there a date forecast for the trial to take place?

The procedural situation is as follows: Francisco is accused of sending two explosive packages to the 54th police station and the former interior minister Rodrigo Hinzpetter (an accessory to a brutal repression during his mandate); the device to the police managed to explode while the one sent to the former Minister by chance was not opened and was discovered after the first outbreak; Monica and Francisco are accused of the double explosive attack on a real estate office in a rich neighborhood during the revolt.

Both are formalized under the gun control law, in addition to various counts of attempted homicides. At the time of their arrest, the court gave them a period of 6 months for investigation, a date that was renewed in February 2021. This investigative period may be extended for up to 2 years before going to trial.

We believe that if the prosecution wanted, it could already take them to trial, but it also seems that this delay would have to do with the participation of this team of prosecutors in other trials or perhaps the careful review of the judicial file so as not to make any mistakes as in the “Bomb case.”

Under the health argument to combat Covid-19, both Mónica and Francisco and other incarcerated people were prevented from receiving visits, which left them in a kind of even more severe isolation inside the jail. How is the situation now? Have the visits already happened again? How are Monica and Francisco at the moment?

The situation is still restricted, basically to one visit, a single person 2 hours every three weeks. Each prison and regime has its particularities; in the case of Mónica, she has to choose that week if she wishes to have a visit or if she wishes to have an assignment (Food that enters the prison by solidarity), while in the case of Francisco, the Limitations force that only his blood family can visit. With “Relatives and friends of Subversive Prisoners and anarchists,” we have participated by informing and struggling to return to visits with different expressions of agitation.

Specifically, both are well, living different realities of the prison. Francisco, for his part, is under strict isolation, much of the day locked up, with little or no sunlight, while Mónica, for her part, is in the public connotation section, isolated from the rest of the prison population, having to live with prisoners who are separated from the others because they will be accused of crimes considered intolerable and that can be avenged by the other prisoners.

Despite the different realities, both are in good spirits; they have access to gendarmerie telephones to be able to communicate with their friends and comrades, always asking about conditions outside and about other comrades in prison.

The territory dominated by the Chilean State is very convulsive and has an intense history of insurrections and anarchic struggles. Of which we have the most news are the intensification of the Mapuche uprising in recent years, especially with the territorial recoveries, and the revolt of October 18, 2019. We receive information about several Mapuche prisoners and murders (as was the most recent case of the comrade Emília BAU, killed by hitmen from a private condominium in Panguipulli), as well as more than 2,000 people arrested, many wounded and others killed by police. It seems very evident to us that the imprisonment of the people involved in the struggles is a coup by the State to try to extinguish the insurrectionary flame that burns in the streets. We would like you to comment a bit about the current situation of the struggles out there and how you analyze this reaction of the repressive forces.

The repressive panorama is broad, like the struggle. Undoubtedly, since October 18, when the revolt in Chile began, it marked a before and after on the one hand, and also a continuity and exacerbation on the other. It is undeniable that many people are in prison linked to the struggle; in December 2019, there were 2,500 prisoners of the revolt, a figure that then gradually decreased. It is a broad and diverse reality, rather than a homogeneous group with clear positions.

Regarding the prisoners of the revolt, as well as the dead and mutilated as a result of the repression in that process, it is necessary to point out that not all of them are revolutionary comrades, but rather individuals who rose up against the prevailing order, for the most diverse reasons.

It is a wide and diverse reality, with many political positions, from the most irreconcilable anarchic to citizen positions and people eager to integrate in the system, passing through many people who were simply tired and spontaneously protested with great anger. It is important to assume that diversity so as not to fall into romanticism, idealize situations or force dynamics that are not such. It is precisely considering this reality that various initiatives are raised in solidarity with the prisoners of the revolt, as well as in remembrance and revenge for the dead and maimed, as well as against the State.

Even with the constant persecution by the State, Monica and Francisco stayed in combat and with their heads held high, especially in jail. They even wrote a statement that addresses the need for harmony between the struggles inside and outside the prisons. Do they manage to have contact with the other subversive people who are also in prison? And with those who are outside? Is access to books and letters allowed, for example?

Monica and Francisco have been part of the environment with comrades in prison for years; both were frequently visiting incarcerated subversive comrades. So that relationship remains unbreakable but has simply changed its form and modality. Despite being in the same penal unit, Francisco has little direct contact with those in maximum security and almost no direct contact (face to face) with those in High Security, but in the same way, existing networks and links are strengthened with fluid communication between all comrades.

Only as a sample can be seen the joint writing between different comrades, drawn from within “Before the revolt, the plebiscite and the judicial situation: Communiqué of prisoners of the social war for the destruction of prison society.”

How do you analyze the importance of solidarity transcending both the prison walls and the border between States?

That is a necessary and interesting dilemma, a challenge for the anarchic struggle. In the case of the comrades, we were already faced with the issue of internationalist solidarity in 2010 with the “bomb case” where beautiful networks were informally forged with the detainees, and on the other hand, when they were arrested in Spain, this question was addressed to us, about our ability to articulate and cross borders. Today, while the comrades are imprisoned here, there are a lot of daily issues that urgently need to be resolved here, as legal and financial help is always required.

But that is only one aspect of solidarity; there is, on the other hand, the dissemination and agitation of the case and perhaps more important and sustaining are the public debates around the positions of the comrades. Bring them to the streets, let them speak only and exclusively from their condition of imprisonment and contribute to the fight.

In another dimension, there is a fear that the solidarity with both is plagued with resignation, that it is not worth fighting and that it would only be necessary to resign oneself to a possible conviction and then have to take care of the expenses of the life of the comrades in prison. That scenario is really the worst.

Finally, how can people in solidarity support the campaign for the freedom of Monica and Francisco? Is there a channel through which information and communications can be accompanied?

We upload the texts and information to the counter-information pages, we try to be very clear and regularly upload updates and relevant information. We move away from those positions that seek to go unnoticed or lower the profile of cases. The comrades are imprisoned for the actions of the struggle, the comrades have been part of the struggle for years and it corresponds to maintain a dialogue and information with all of us who are on this side of the barricade.

On the ways in which it can be supported, this response lies in the creative capacity of each person, from dissemination, agitation, to the collection of economic funds, as well as direct communication with them through letters, contemplating them in projects or simply raising your own solidarity initiative.

Thoughts on the Divisional Court ruling preventing the prescription of puberty-blocking medication to transgender children – by Mal Content.

Now I’m not in the least interested in the law, being simply the manifestation of the state’s monopoly on violence. I don’t believe it actually serves anyone, least of all those who only ever butt up against it in times of personal crisis.

Many of my ilk think that a Working Class anarchist militant should not concern themselves with such matters as “identity”, “gender” or “gender identity”. Nevertheless, as a fifty-plus male of simple tastes and relatively mundane proclivities I find this goes to the heart of my anarchy, and what makes me an anarchist, so I’m moved to comment yet again.

Why, they ask, did we pick this hill to die on? Keeping the military analogy, you don’t always decide where the front line is! Sometimes it’s where the enemy puts it and you either stand or fall. If transgender people were foxes or badgers, we wouldn’t even be having these conversations. Sure enough our enemies are ranged against us: the tabloids, tories, Bolshevik-apologists and god-botherers, who use the coercive state as a stick to beat their chosen scapegoats. This court case is the outcome of a long-running battle between these people and the Tavistock Hospital.

Many people spend their lives seeking an identity they are comfortable with; I congratulate anyone who finds it. Some of us just give up and amuse ourselves by alternately playing up to other people’s impressions, and confounding them. I learned early in life that your acquaintances ‘tie’ you with their thoughts. If you usually act in a particular way their own cognitive dissonance will pounce on any deviation causing them to flap like wet chickens, so it’s less hassle to give them what they expect. This is especially true if like me you are borderline autistic and easily slip into a rut.

When I was a kid I read an excerpt from Welsh journalist and historian Jan Morris’ book ‘Conundrum’ concerning her transition. I believe it was in the Sunday Times, in the era when the same publication’s scientific supplements listed ‘transvestism’ and ‘homosexuality’ alongside bestiality and necrophilia as sexual deviations, among the mental illnesses. I didn’t understand it, but it seemed reasonable to accept the conscious, informed decision of someone who had already climbed Everest, reported from war zones and the trials of Eichmann and Powers, interviewed Che Guevara and had five kids. I was already on my way to being an anarchist.

My conversations with transgender adults and the parents of trans and gender-curious children have led me to the conclusion that no one would go through these tribulations unless it was mandatory. It isn’t necessary for an anarchist to understand why an individual follows a given path, or maybe selects it as their least worst option, only to accept it as an exercise of free will. I read of Sarah Jane Baker who removed her own testicles in prison, because no-one was listening.

In this case inaction is action and I’m in no doubt that a decision not to delay puberty can be life-threatening and as potentially life-changing as the alternative. Add in the confusion that comes with the spectrum of intersex conditions, which are a lot more common than you might imagine. Thank Durruti I shall never have to make such decisions on my own, or anyone else’s behalf.

I had a fair childhood myself, I wasn’t abused, never went hungry nor feared for my life, but my one lasting impression was hatred of adult ‘authority’, those who knew better than I what was good for me. They turned out to be the same folk who were busy wrecking the planet, poisoning the air, water and soil, and plotting the annihilation of half the human race in defence of their moral superiority. I liked Crowley’s “Do what thou wilt”, even after I learned he was no more than a high class con-artist. He took pains to point out he wasn’t saying do what you like, but be true to yourself – without that you are nothing.

So if a thirteen year old decides to delay puberty, is that any crazier than delaying hair loss or dementia – or death itself? If further down the line they find out they’ve got it all wrong and fucked it up, at least they will have the satisfaction of knowing they fucked it up themselves.

An Attack on Trans Young People is an Attack on all Young People.

Yesterday’s ruling by the High Court pertaining to Keira Bell, Ms. A and the Judicial Review of the Tavistock and Portman NHS Trust is an authoritarian attack on some of the most marginalised and vulnerable young people in the UK. It has been facilitated by a relentless anti-trans narrative peddled by the TERFs that has permeated through all media outlets.

Puberty blockers are now going to be extremely difficult to obtain for trans young people under the age of sixteen. The ruling states that under-13s will definitely not be able to give informed consent and it is unlikely that 14 and 15 year olds will be able to do so as a result of the hormonal changes that happen during puberty. Transgender young people, unless they have the means to bring a case to medical tribunal, are now consigned to undergo a puberty that they categorically do not want. We already know that suicidality is experienced by at least half of all transgender young people, that 80% engage in self-harm and this will be compounded by yesterday’s ruling.

How many more transgender young people have to die? How many more families will bury their children? Why do transgender lives not matter? The TERFs scoff and laugh when these statistics are mentioned and call them “fake”. Who knew that Trumpian behaviour was going to form the cornerstone of radical feminism in the 21st Century?

Keira Bell is a high-profile “de-transitioner”. Bell was prescribed puberty blockers at age sixteen, started taking testosterone in adulthood and had a double mastectomy as a result of formally identifying as a man. Bell ceased transition in 2017 after realising this was not the path she wanted to go down. Bell has every right to live as her authentic self, as do transgender young people, and as a consequence of her experiences will probably need specialist care and support in the medium-term. Bell has seemingly turned to the TERFs for that support and it is unlikely that she will get it. The TERFs have been waging war against the Tavistock for a long time and Bell will be cast aside now she is of no further use to them.

Bell consented to puberty blockers at age sixteen but sought to deny this treatment to younger children. It is baffling that she feels she has the right to take away healthcare options from young people when the ruling would have had no bearing on her case. Ms A. is a parent of a 15-year old transgender child who is currently on the waiting list to receive care from the Tavistock but considering that the waiting lists are approaching two years, the child in question will soon be able to consent anyway. Therefore, this ruling has far more sinister consequences.

Some transgender young people, out of sheer desperation, order hormones from nefarious websites. These sites are not regulated or approved by any healthcare organisation and the people who run them are looking to make a quick buck out of vulnerable young people. Unregulated hormones can have lasting impacts on the body and leave a young person with lifelong health problems. This ruling means that puberty blockers will go down the same route and because the young people wishing to access them are often younger, the damage that could be done to their bodies is potentially catastrophic.

Puberty blockers have been used to treat children experiencing precocious puberty for decades and have a long established history in paediatric medicine. What is going to happen to those children as a result of this ruling? If doctors are reluctant to prescribe, there will be an upswing of cases where six-year-old girls are developing breasts, sex drives and reaching menarche. Precocious puberty robs young children of their childhoods and leads to health complications when they reach adulthood. The TERFs clearly did not think about this possible consequence.

Fundamentally, the most horrific part of this ruling is that it rams a bulldozer through Gillick competency. This is the established legal framework that young people have the right to consent to medical procedures without parental consent. Gillick is the reason young people can access contraception, abortion and mental health services on their own initiative. There are many people out there who have wanted to erode Gillick for as long as it has existed, and this sets a precedent for any group to challenge any aspect of young people’s healthcare. Anti-abortion groups now have grounds to argue young people cannot consent to abortion. Social conservatives have legal grounds to refuse young people access to contraception. Parents who deny their child’s mental health issues now have legal arguments to prevent them having counselling, therapy or psychiatric medication.

Hell has been unleashed upon young people and their autonomy. This is an absolute outrage.

Jack Collins.

Carlo Sorrachi / Carlo Neri / HN104 undercover cop.

This is Carlo Sorrachi, alias “Carlo Neri”, a rapist who deceived  three women into having sex with him. Women who would no sooner have sex with a policeman than a dog or a monkey.

Sorrachi’s job was to spy on the socialist party, a group that has never been a threat to anybody, being largely composed of boring old tankies. He was active from 2001 to 2006 and based in north and central London.

Judge Mitting, whose seasonal job will be starting any day now. Ho ho ho.

Chair of the Undercover Policing Inquiry, judge Mitting, has taken a shine to Sorrachi and refuses to let him be named in the proceedings, insisting he be referred to as “HN104”. As a result, Dave Smith of the Blacklist Support Group was unable to make his Opening Statement. From the early 1990s until mid 2000s, Smith was spied on by three policemen: Peter Francis, Mark Jenner and Carlo Soracchi.

As agent provocateur, Sorrachi/Neri tried to persuade Trade Unionists Frank Smith, Dan Gilman and Joe Batty to burn a property belonging to fascist Roberto Fiore, leading to the bizarre spectacle of the notorious fascist terrorist threatening legal action against the Metropolitan police.

If you encountered Carlo Soracchi, Contact Undercover Research Project

Four from Mal Content.

Chapters 22 – 25 of The Authority of the Boot-Maker

(C.W. racism, torture, sexual violence)

The fear of violence.

The state is prison.

The Iva Valley Colliers.

Britain’s Gulags.

Update on the situation of our comrade Gabriel Pombo da Silva

325.

One month after the arrest of our comrade Gabriel, who was detained on January 25 in Portugal, the Guimaraes court has ruled in favor of extradition to the Spanish state.

This news does not surprise us, considering the active revenge of the Judge Mercedes Navarro of court number 2 of Girona against Gabriel. This Judge is the same one who, in May 2016, ordered the then Dueñas prison director (of Palencia) to hide the order for Gabriel’s immediate release. Gabriel, after 3 weeks of being “kidnapped” finally tasted freedom on June 16 (for this reason Navarro was denounced for “prevarication”).

During this last month, Navarro has not stopped pressuring Portugal in order to consign “this very dangerous individual”.

We remember that the main objective of the defence is to obtain Gabriel’s freedom under the “special principle” (thanks to which he was released four years ago without it losing legal validity) and, in any case, avoid extradition, given the Portuguese nationality that Gabriel has recently obtained (Portugal should not extradite its own naturalised citizen).

Neither the principle of specialty nor the Portuguese nationality have been taken into consideration by the court of Guimaraes, which has been limited to giving us the reason to later conclude that it must proceed to the extradition (that is, it cannot resist indefinately the pressure of Mrs. Navarro).

The lawyer is presenting the appeal to the Supreme Court of Lisbon and until this is pronounced (around a week) Gabriel will remain detained by the judicial police of Porto.

We continue to express all our solidarity … And so that it is not left as an empty word!

FREE GABRIEL! * FREE EVERYONE! * LONG LIVE ANARCHY!

Unquiet Graves Uncovering Britain’s Secret War in Ireland

Bristol Radical History Group

Unquiet Graves Poster

Between 1972 and 1978 more than 120 innocent civilians in Northern Ireland were murdered. Documentary director Sean Murray set out to investigate and found disturbing evidence of collusion between the Royal Ulster Constabulary, the Ulster Defence Regiment and loyalist death squads. Sean Murray will present the documentary.

“…outstanding documentary film-making combining in-depth research and personal testimony to expose the undeniable truth of state collusion and its fatal consequences.” Phil Scraton, author “Hillsborough: The Truth”.

More information:

Tickets here: