Solidarity with Exarcheia! | Statement

Reproduced in full from Organise Magazine

On Monday the 26th of August, the Greek police launched a large operation in Exarcheia, the famous rebel district in the centre of Athens. This is a unique place in Europe for its high concentration of squats and other self-organised spaces, but also for its resistance against repression and solidarity with migrants and the precariat.

Early in the morning, the squats of Spirou Trikoupi 17, Gare, Rosa de Fon and Transito were surrounded by huge police forces: anti-riot police, anti-terrorism police and secret police. The police then launched a large repression operation, leading to over 100 arrests. Migrants have been sent to camps known for inhuman living conditions. More than 15 kids that grew up in Athens and had their life there were deported. The security forces are now walling up the buildings that used to be home to so many.

This operation aimed to directly attack the incredible solidarity efforts that were developed by a network of people, many of them anarchists, to cope with the austerity measures the Greek state and the EU implemented.

It aimed to destroy a neighbourhood that has invented a new world where it has been possible to exist and live regardless of your economical, social or cultural background.

It aimed to keep Exarcheia under the control of a violent state that, like the rest of Europe, is ready to put humans in camps, simply because they were born on the other side of a border.

Exarcheia has many other squats, around 20, but the newly elected Greek prime minister promised a complete “cleaning”. More battles are to come.

The Anarchist Federation is expressing its full support to everyone in Exarcheia.

For a future without state, police or borders. ■

Solidarity! αλληλεγγύη!

Anarchist Federation

Additional from the Editor:-

Since this morning when the evictions took place Spirou Trikoupi 17 put out the call for people to gather and have taken a stand.

” Here, in Spirou Trikoupi 17 we have lived more than 2.000 people, coming from more than 10 different countries, and that we have crossed, at least, 3 borders till here. This wall that the state is building to seal the entrance will never be able to stop us!

See you at 6pm the solidarity assembly towards the squats in Notara 26 “

Since the evictions police have rounded up immigrants who will be dragged through the system and government workers have bricked up the doorways to peoples homes.

As night has fallen the police have taken a aggressive stance against the locals and tooled up with riot gear have taken to the streets for what is sure to be yet another night of horrific state violence.

Follow them & the AF for updates.
Spirou Trikoupi17
Anarchist Federation

External reports on what is happening from the ground.
Enough is Enough
Squat.net

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“The soldier has fallen”: Mandla Khoza, ZACF anarchist-communist and Swaziland activist, 22 May 1974-26 July 2019

by Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (ZACF)

Mandla Khoza (“MK”), 1974-2019: ZACF anarchist-communist militant in South Africa and Swaziland (Eswatini)

Comrade Mandla Khoza (or “MK,” as his friends and comrades knew him) passed away on Friday 26 July in his home town of Siphofaneni, Swaziland (Eswatini). He had long suffered from sugar diabetes. He leaves behind four children. One of the pioneering members of the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Federation (ZACF) founded in South Africa on May Day 2003, MK was committed to a social revolution that would place power and wealth in the hands of the working class, the peasants and the poor. As he would often say: “It doesn’t matter if you change who sits on the throne: you have to get rid of the throne itself.” This obituary commemorates his life as a militant.

MK was born on the 22 May 1974 in Swaziland, a small country in the iron grip of the Swazi royal family under the Tinkhundla regime, and economically dominated by neighbouring South Africa as well as by Britain. Siphofaneni is near the large town of Manzini, and close to the sugar cane plantations. Like many Swazis, MK came to South Africa to escape the grinding poverty of his homeland. MK and his cousin, Mandla Dlamini (also a pioneering ZACF member), worked at a Coca Cola factory but lost their jobs. The two were living in the Motsoaledi squatter camp in Soweto, Johannesburg by 2001. Here, Mandla Dlamini’s father ran a spaza shop [1] and shebeen [2] from his house, and the two young men assisted. A friend remembers that “The two cousins used to assist school kids with school work, help neighbours with chores and were appreciated by people.”

They joined with South African comrades to form the anarchist Black Action Group in Motsoaledi around this time, which helped found the ZACF in 2003. Together, these comrades also founded the Phambili Motsoaledi Community Project in the squatter camp (in 2002), which ran a food garden, library and meeting centre, a newsletter called “Vuka Motsoaledi,” and subsequently, a community action structure called the Motsoaledi Concerned Residents (MCR; founded 2005). Like the ZACF, with which these two structures were closely linked, these were part of the Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF). The APF was a broad coalition of unions, township groups and left formations, founded in 2000: it covered much of Gauteng province, Africa’s industrial heartland, including Soweto.

MK periodically returned to Swaziland, where the ZACF built a small presence and distributed materials. For example, in 2003 ZACF was in contact with dissidents in the Swaziland Youth Congress (SWAYOCO), youth wing of the banned People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO). Some young and upcoming revolutionaries were interested in moving beyond a reformist agenda. On one occasion, a South African ZACF comrade was arrested at the border gate on the Swazi side, coming from a May Day rally in Swaziland, and carrying anarchist political materials.

MK got involved in the Swaziland underground opposition movement, joining SWAYOCO to promote anarchism. While ZACF was clear that a parliamentary democracy would not solve the problems in the country, it would be preferable to the dictatorship, and open space for more struggle. Therefore, it argued for democratic reforms, including an end to the Tinkhundla regime, political amnesty, the abolition of chiefly privileges, gender equality and land reform, full union rights and a living wage campaign in the plantations, factories and farms as steps towards a counter-power that could make more radical changes.[3]

From around 2005, MK and his cousin Mandla Dlamini began to spend most of their time in Swaziland, despite the extremely difficult conditions. For example, on Saturday 1 October 2005, MK was involved in a SWAYOCO demonstration in Mazini against the absolutist system headed by King Mswati III, which was attacked by the Royal Swazi Police. He was among the eight SWAYOCO activists arrested that day, held at Zaklehe Detention Centre on charges of disturbing the peace. Following pressure from below, the eight were released on bail, appearing in court on 7 November.

Further pressure came when the ZACF was falsely accused in the Swazi press in early 2006 of bombing police vehicles. ZACF argued against the turn to armed struggle that was drawing in some of the underground, arguing for a mass popular movement, including the unions. It advocated struggle “to go beyond the usual bourgeois betrayal and involve a destruction of the Swazi capitalist state and its replacement by decentralised popular assemblies”.[4] Nonetheless it campaigned in solidarity with those jailed for such actions, stressing that desperate steps were a response to the oppression that tormented the kingdom. Repression mounted, with regular arrests and trials of PUDEMO and SWAYOCO activists, often based on bogus charges of “terrorism.” At one point MK was forced to go into hiding across the border, in South Africa’s Mpumalanga province, due to ongoing harassment and intimidation for his political activities by the Swazi Special Branch.

MK was in South Africa to attend the December 2007 ZACF congress, which restructured the organisation to streamline its operations.[5] One of the major decisions was to replace the ZACF’s awkward multi-country structure straddling South Africa and Swaziland with an autonomous Swaziland anarchist group, allied to ZACF. He participated in the next ZACF congress, a year later, reporting modest progress.

An anarchist study circle was formed in Siphofaneni with SWAYOCO comrades. There were numerous trips by Johannesburg-based comrades into Swaziland, bringing in material, maintaining contact and meeting people from PUDEMO and SWAYOCO. MK wanted to start a community project, for oppressed and exploited people. He felt a deep sense of duty. He was interviewed in a 2007 documentary on the Swazi democracy movement, “Without the King,” as a masked “Anonymous Political Activist.” He stated “It’s very, very tough for us here… I have to change the system because I can’t leave here. If I can leave, what about other people, what can they do? We must fight together to change the system so that everything will come right here.”

His position was that of a revolutionary: “If we were governing ourselves, we could be organised.… There is nowhere the government machinery is helping. If it’s not for the World Food Programme’s food, we could be died [dead] a long, long time ago… He’s [King Mswati III’s] having everything. He earns and controls everything… the people themselves must understand what the government’s doing to them, then the people themselves, they’ll reject the elements in the government that are suppressive or oppressive to them. When they reject them, that will mean that they want to overthrow the government.”

The interview can be seen here: https://youtu.be/12YAgDa0xqY

Results of these years of militancy were limited, and times were always tough: MK was unemployed and poor, and sought ways to make a living, while struggling with illness. In recent years contact became more sporadic. His passing on is a lesson that we are strong through each other, that we must take care of each other and hear each other. MK knew, a friend recalls, that for people to be free they have to do it themselves: “that’s why he was anarchist-communist and didn’t believe in replacing one government by another one.”

Notes:

[1] spaza shop: informal convenience store, involved in petty trade
[2] shebeen: informal tavern
[3] ZACF, 26 January 2006, “Solidarity with the pro-democratic movement in Swaziland, ” http://anarkismo.net/article/2195
[4] ZACF letter to the Editor, “Times of Swaziland,” January 18, 2006: http://anarkismo.net/article/15535
[5] The ZACF was founded as the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Federation, but reconstituted as the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front at this congress, reflecting the tighter structure.

Chile: The Santiago Anarchist Federation is born

We are part of the last 20 years of recomposition of social and organized anarchism, a time that has been marked by the understanding of the need for a political organization and the importance of insertion in the different struggles of the dominated class.

The creation of this Federation seeks, from humility, but with great conviction, to demonstrate that the specific anarchism in the Chilean region has not died and that today more than ever, our political project must be positioned as an alternative against this system of capitalist domination and patriarchal. That is why, for us and us today is a historic day, since we feel that we are an expression of organized anarchism more than from the end of the 19th century until today, to seek to contribute to the most felt struggles of the peoples with The influence of your ideas and practices.

We live a historical period marked by a social and ecological crisis caused by the exacerbation of extractivism, the dispossession of the territories and the control of the bodies by the system of domination. This scenario poses new challenges for anarchism.

Understanding the system of domination and relations of domination to expand the fields of insertion in popular struggles, becomes a key point. If there are different areas of domination, any class expression of struggle against this is a fertile field for anarchism and this is essential to get out of the idea that raises privileged places for organization over others. This system, which exerts power and coercion through relations of domination, for us and us has two fundamental pillars: patriarchal domination and capitalist domination and the effects of its overlap are those that are currently manifested in society.

Under this analysis we think of our strategy of rupture, being clear that there is no domination over another, but that they operate depending on the historical context in which they are framed, in a perspective that prioritizes the non-fragmentation of oppressions. In this way racism, (hetero) sexism and classism are oppressions that operate simultaneously, coexist and are consubstantial, overlap.

Faced with this, we propose strategic elements such as de-patriarization, decolonization, federalism and revolutionary self-management as an alternative for the destruction of the patriarchal-capitalist system of domination and its colonial strategy and the construction of a revolutionary, federal self-managed society that eliminates classes social, gender mandates and racial divisions, where the community, the ecological and feminist will be our horizon of life.

The current political situation, marked by a repressive context expressed, for example, in the migrant law, safe classroom, reformulation of the anti-terrorism law, militarization and implementation of states of exception, this added to the severance of social rights, with the reform of pensions, tax reform (which seeks to maintain profit rates in the context of economic crisis), the progress of the neoliberal offensive in health, housing, education and the easing of environmental legislation. In economic terms, the precariousness of life becomes of strategic importance in the perspective of the patriarchy / capital-life conflict, with an extreme liberalization marked by the signing of treaties such as TPP 11-TLC – APEC, hyperdebtedness (falling wages real) and the economic slowdown. In the social,

LONG LIVE SOCIAL AND ORGANIZED ANARCHISM!

TO STRENGTHEN THE LATIN AMERICAN SPECIFIC STRATEGY!

UP THOSE AND THOSE WHO FIGHT !!
SANTIAGO ANARCHIST FEDERATION

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/3149

Law enforcement and prison: their origin during the Great Expropriation and their role in the return to primitive accumulation. – By Mal Content.

C.W. racism, slavery.

To put law enforcement and the prison-industrial complex in their historical and social context, these are very recent innovations, hastily constructed by the ruling class in response to a crisis.

This is the way ruling classes have worked pretty much since records began. They create a disastrous state of affairs and introduce drastic measures, then persuade their subjects it was unavoidable.

What is striking about these institutions is their absolute continuity of purpose since their inception during the Great Expropriation. We had been ripped from the land that supported us from prehistory, robbed of our means of subsistence and forced into alienated labour in the factories, workhouses, and prisons.

Factories and prisons developed in parallel for the same purpose, to use our bodies for the augmentation of capital.

Look at a Victorian prison, workhouse or factory and spot the difference. Workers who had hitherto been disciplined only by the sun and the seasons were chained to the clock and the machine, forbidden to speak or associate freely, housed in overcrowded, unhealthy slums.

One of the consequences of the creation of ‘free proletarians’ was that the iron discipline of the machine age ended at the factory gates. A mass of very unhappy people were being trained to think and act as a unit rather than as individuals then turned loose every night; how would they react when threatened?

There were no prisons in late mediaeval society.

There were dungeons for political prisoners and captured soldiers. There were local lock-ups for unruly characters, those awaiting trial or held hostage pending payment of a debt or fine. By far the most common reason for incarceration was debt, and this was a simple extortion racket.

The first state prison was Millbank, built in 1816, in the white heat of the Great Expropriation, three years after the Luddite insurrection. The land enclosures were a fait accompli but there were revolutions on the continent. Across the Atlantic there were slave uprisings in the Caribbean and the plantation states.

Law enforcement came first.

Anglo-Saxon communities were protected by the concept of frankpledge (frith-borh) or collective accountability, based on the tithing, a voluntary association of ten households, grouped into hundreds, then into shires. Members of the tithing swore to be responsible for each other’s good conduct and to offer up or stand surety for any member accused of an offence. Each was obliged to raise hue and cry and to assist in the pursuit and apprehension of the offender. Mutual responsibility was ultimately underwritten by the hundred’s land holding. The Norman Conquest turned land into property held in feudal title by lords; so serfs could not offer surety, making the lords responsible for justice on their Manors, administered by constables and sheriffs (shire-reeves).

The system of mutual social obligation gave way to the values of one class being imposed on the other by force.

Prompted by the French Revolution and threats of invasion, yeomen cavalry were raised, low-grade gentry who were given a uniform, a horse and free grog then turned loose on the Working Class, as in the Peterloo massacre of 1819. In the cities there were hired ‘thieftakers’ and professional perjurers called ‘strawmen’, and stipendiary magistrates, petty bourgeois dispensing summary punishment.

The architect of modern law enforcement was Napoleon Bonaparte’s police minister Joseph Fouché, the ‘butcher of Lyons’, former enforcer for the revolution’s National Convention.

What the butcher gave Napoleon was his innovation of ‘high and low’ policing. On the one hand political surveillance by a network of undercover cops, paid informers and agents provocateurs. On the other what he contemptuously called “the policing of prostitutes, thieves, and lamp posts” which was best left to the lower orders. ‘Workers in uniform’ who were explicitly not to be selected for their intelligence, initiative or integrity. With the uniform comes a baton, a foolish swagger and a fantastic sense of entitlement.

The Peterloo massacre led to outcry even amongst the petty bourgeoisie. The class interest of the yeomanry was too obvious. Robert Peel introduced Fouché’s system lock, stock and barrel with the formation of the Metropolitan police in 1829.

Peel wanted the Working Class complicit in its own oppression.

Peel said things like: “workingmen (sic) must be disciplined by workingmen”. “The police are the public and the public are the police” But what exactly did Peel mean by the public? He was opposed to the people’s charter and universal suffrage, and only about nine percent of the population of England and Wales had any say in the laws that made crime a matter of survival for the rest.

The Met was used as a de-facto riot squad from the start, even being dispatched to Birmingham to take on the Chartists. In February 1832 it inserted Sergeant William Popay under a false identity into the National Political Union, as a spy and agent provocateur. It was more than a year before he was unmasked, in a routine that will be familiar to the reader, Popay was dismissed as a ‘loose cannon’ and it was business as usual for the rest.

In 1819, the year of the Peterloo massacre, the government of South Carolina established mandatory slave patrols.

These were a form of yeomanry. Since 1671 there had been slave patrols that brought back runaway African-Americans to be tortured and killed. Once a plantation worker had escaped they were considered worthless as a slave so the agenda was to inflict on them grotesque punishments from which they would inevitably perish.

Prompted by two attempted insurrections, the new law compelled all white, adult males to serve in the patrols, so that the whole of white society was deputised into the subjugation of the majority (in the Carolinas) African-American population. Patrols were given carte blanche to enter dwellings, detain slaves and dispense summary justice.

Carolina’s constitution, the first document to enshrine human chattel slavery in law, had been co-written by the philosopher John Locke, ‘father of Liberalism’ and originator of the ‘Social Contract’, whereby citizens consent to be governed in return for a measure of security and utility. Locke’s theory of property derived from ownership of the ‘self’. He managed to work justifications for conquest and slavery into his philosophy, as he had a great deal of money invested in them.

The constitution defined the slave as one who could not own property. In Locke’s terms, this applied to a slave’s own flesh, time, their productive and creative abilities. Other articles created hereditary nobility and serfdom, and a hierarchical voting system based on land ownership.

When the United States government ‘abolished’ slavery in response to the Civil War, it left itself a loophole. The Thirteenth Amendment allows for the enslavement of prisoners “as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted”. All that was necessary then, to retain people as slaves was to get them duly convicted. The remainder would be proletarianised with incarceration as a penalty for refusal.

The US plantation to prison-industrial system evolved smoothly from the Louisiana Purchase to the present day – we all know the Parchman Farm blues. Even the Civil War was barely a shudder. Modern US prisons are full of black and brown bodies generating surplus-value at maximum efficiency.

Proletarianisation is incarceration.

Simply because it makes the survival of our bodies dependant on their availability to augment capital and reproduce capitalist power relations.

The indignity of wage labour, of submission to command, of maintaining a pretence of deference and servility in return for not much more than the reproduction cost of your labour-power, is a gross violation. It sits on a sliding scale that leads logically to prostitution and enslavement. It forces you into complicity, not only with the reproduction of capitalist power relations, but with the maintenance of racial, gender and class roles written for you by the hegemonic group.

The line between legal slavery and legal freedom is in the subtle distinction between power based on a right to take life, and the capacity to restrict access to the necessities of life. The advocates of chattel slavery understood this all along, perhaps even better than their opponents:

“Mr. President, if we recognize no law as obligatory, and no government as legitimate, which authorizes involuntary servitude, we shall be forced to consign the world to anarchy; for no government has yet existed, which did not recognize and enforce involuntary servitude for other causes than crime. To destroy that, we must destroy all inequality in property; for as long as these differences exist, there will be an involuntary servitude of man to man. … Your socialist is the true abolitionist, and only he fully understands his mission.”

– Virginia Senator Robert M.T. Hunter, March 25, 1850

My italics.

The modern state maintains social relations by putting the means of production, and thus all the products of social labour, behind the barrier of private property. All citizens have the same rights to acquire and dispose of property, but having the legal right to do something does not give you the means to do it. The state decrees that the barrier may only be accessed by exchanging its currency for the property-right, and that its subjects must compete for this social access by excluding others. The state would be buggered if people stopped competing for its currency.

The money economy is not concerned, as economists often claim, with allocation of scarce resources, but with the regulation of human activity by limiting access. We are all, for practical purposes incarcerated; there are no exceptions. In the modern prison-industrial system you are either a cog in the machine or the grease, you are a generator of surplus-value or raw material to the industry that profits from managing your inability to do so. A raw material that, if carefully managed, need never be consumed.

As technology makes wage labour ever less profitable and more futile, bourgeois society relies increasingly on fictitious capital, that which augments itself without the medium of commodity exchange, threatening to force us all into precarity, pauperage and prison. Capitalism returns inevitably to primitive accumulation, as wealth inequality reaches Pharonic proportions, slavery is back with a vengeance.

We are ceasing to be productive forces and becoming raw materials. The cohorts of petty managers, the DWP, cops, courts and probation, security firms and private mental hospitals that charge a grand a day, all have a vested interest in keeping you on their books. Yet another industry is dedicated to making us fear one another, creating suspicion and hostility among our Class, and feeding off the resulting misery. Now the media make us complicit in our own oppression.

If you’ve even been locked up, even briefly, subject to the whims of guards and warders, part of you remains incarcerated; for as long as there are locks and turnkeys, your agency is on loan to you. Once you’ve looked down the barrel of a gun you understand viscerally that the state stands always ready to kill, that the gun was at your head since the day you were born. The rich slaughter us in droves but the prisons are full of poor people.

Either side of the prison walls the engine runs on material inequality and imbalance of power, white supremacy, ableism and patriarchy. The violence bred by poverty and exclusion, and the fear of it, the jealousy and hate that are the inevitable companions of status and hierarchy give rise to every malevolent act, legal or illegal.

Without these aberrations, the only cause of ‘crime’ would be a malfunction of the brain, a grave misapprehension, a temporary loss of control. No law or penal system ever stood a chance of preventing or remedying such an event.

Justifications for prison fall into four categories, in no particular order:

Deterrence, Rehabilitation, Punishment or Removal for public safety. However, there is no consensus among prison advocates/apologists on the validity of any of these concepts or their relative importance.

Deterrence is a preposterous idea that flies in the face of everyday experience, most of us learn early in life that the people you’re afraid of aren’t afraid of you. If crucifixion and scaphism didn’t put them off, prison isn’t going to do it either.

Rehabilitation is demonstrably ineffective, wishful thinking.

Punishment is a metaphysical concept, a sort of abstract revenge; the law actually calls it ‘retribution’. However, the state can’t take revenge because it doesn’t represent any people, only a mode of production. Crimes against the person are merely breaches of the state’s monopoly on violence so the victim is not a protagonist but a witness and/or a piece of physical evidence. Retribution is reserved for the ruling class, unless you’re a member of that class it offers you nothing but a pathetic schadenfreude.

The last one applies in a vanishingly small number of cases and only defers the problem.

It’s a weird kind of argument to say “one or more of these propositions must be true but we’re not sure which ones”

The abolition of wage labour and the abolition of incarceration are inseparable.

Transaction and coercion are two sides of the same coin. Coercion is a negative transaction; it makes no sense to do away with one and keep the other. Where free people associate voluntarily to their mutual benefit, they will agree codes of conduct and remedies for transgression. They will reserve the right of self-defence against predation, but such actions will be mandated by the entire community, not by a select cadre of bureaucrats or professional thugs.

It will be an issue for the autonomous community how it arranges these matters, but I have not the slightest doubt that a free association of liberated, self-confident individuals, will come up with better solutions than the bourgeoisie. Especially to problems created by the residue of bourgeois values. The left may love their gulags, but there will be no prisons in a real communist society, for none may be free until all are free.

Senator Hunter can spin in his grave, we’ll consign the world to anarchy.

Guatemala’s Anti-Landlord, Indigenous Feminists: “Healing is Political”

New Internationalist

Indigenous feminists in Guatemala encourage women to speak out against male violence, and to heal and defend themselves as they defend their ancestral territory. Frauke Decoodt listens to their stories of resistance.

It is busy in the extended household of Graciela Velasquez Chuj, a Mayan healer. All the women have been summoned to prepare the food for a three-day assembly. Around sunset some 40 indigenous women, mostly activists, arrive from all over Guatemala to the adobe house located in the village of Chotacaj in Totonicapán, a municipality in the western highlands. After a quick presentation round and some food, they go to bed. Tomorrow they need to rise early.

At the crack of dawn the day starts with a ceremonial fire in which an abundance of candles, chocolate, flowers and honey is burned. Ancestors, life and the earth are honoured. Wishes and words of gratitude are whispered to the flames. After breakfast the women make themselves comfortable on the mattresses spread out in the courtyard.

Full post

Communiqué from the Occupied Social Center, La Gatonera (Madrid, Spain)

Reproduced in full from Voices in Movement

This communiqué comes from the occupied anarchist social center in Madrid, La Gatonera, which was recently evicted resulting in the arrest of six comrades. The original in Spanish was published by Contramadriz and can be found here.

June 30th, 2019

In the first place, we want to thank all of the people that have shown their support and solidarity; in particular the collectives, spaces and individuals of the neighborhood. Thanks to this support, we managed to resist more than 24 hours at the door of the building, to carry out a gathering and to hold a rally that we hope has made clear that we will continue here and we will continue struggling.

It has already been at least a year since the threats and coercion began on part of the new landowners and their hitmen (private security companies). There were threats to send companies to deoccupy us after we refused to accept their money (15,000 euros) to abandon the building. Seeing that they couldn’t’ make us bend, they began with the legal route seeking to evict us. The decision of the usurpation trial has not ended in their favor, as it is still in the appeal process.

Today, the space is no longer in our hands, but we can hold our heads high to think that this only happened after a year of struggle, and they having spent more than 15,000 euros that they initially offered us. Only the police and private companies acting together have been able to take the space from us. The latter are those that forcefully entered La Gatonera in the early hours of June 27th breaking and changing the lock with the complicity of the police who escorted them. Six compañeros were detained in attempting to defend the space. Just another example of the capital-state nexus.

With this, we don’t seek to act as victims, nor vindicate legality, but rather to expose the acts and make clear that without the state and its dogs, these companies are nothing. Ours is just another case of a systematic campaign of harassment against squatting that has intensified in recent years. The attack on a squat is an attack on the practices and ideas that sustain it.

These are not our last words.

Death to the state, long live anarchy!

Never surrender, nor give up.

Calais: after the Jungle – an interview with Calais Migrant Solidarity, June 2019

Corporate Watch

In 2016, the northern French port town of Calais was all over the TV screens, as an army of Gendarmes and CRS riot police evicted the “Jungle” – a largely self-built refugee camp where about 6,000 exiles from the world’s war zones lived in sight of the razor wire border fences. But Calais’ refugee story goes back much further, and it’s not over yet. Hundreds of refugees are still gathered around the main channel crossing point, living in even more miserable and precarious conditions now the big jungle is gone. To get a snapshot of the current situation Corporate Watch talked to friends from Calais Migrant Solidarity, a network that has been active alongside migrants in Calais since 2009.

See also: Calais border profiteers update June 2019

How many people are still trying to cross the border at Calais? Where do they come from?

read more