Marcelino Ruíz, fighting for freedom for 19 years in Chiapas, Mexico

Voices in Movement
Marcelino Ruíz, fighting for freedom for 19 years in Chiapas, Mexico. Orginally published by Pozol.org on April 7, 2021, translated by Shantal Montserrat Lopez Victoria.

Transferring prisoners is another way of repressing the struggle for those wrongfully imprisoned.

Marcelino Ruiz Gómez is wrongfully imprisoned in CERSS No. 10 in the city of Comitán de Domínguez, Chiapas, Mexico and has been fighting for his freedom for 19 years against his arbitrary detention, torture and serious violations of due process of law. The Tsotsil indigenous man is founder of the Vineketik Organization in Resistance and adherent to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle of the EZLN.

Marcelino is originally from the municipality of San Juan Chamula; he and his family cultivated vegetables on their land and sold them in the San Cristóbal de Las Casas market. On February 5, 2002, he was arbitrarily arrested and tortured.

After several years in prison, Marcelino became aware of the discrimination and violence suffered by indigenous people inside the prisons: “by police, guards, administrative staff and all court personnel, from the judge to those who make copies of criminal files based on illicit evidence,” said the Sexta adherent.

For this reason, Marcelino decided in 2015 to assert his human rights and speak out; he demanded the director of the CERSS of San Cristobal de Las Casas to improve the deteriorating conditions under which the inmates were kept: poor food, unsanitary cells, lack of adequate medical, psychological and dental health services. Not only did the director not listen to his request but retaliated by transferring him to CERSS No. 12 in the municipality of Yajalón, Chiapas. It was there where he staged two hunger strikes to demand his immediate transfer and to be closer to his family. The first strike lasted three days and two months passed without response. The second strike lasted eight days: “with the support of Frayba (Fray Bartolome de las Casas Center for Human Rights) and other collectives, I achieved my transfer closer to home. I was transferred to CERSS No. 10, here in Comitán in April 7, 2015,” recalls the indigenous Chiapaneco.

Marcelino has been taken away from his family and children as a means of repression for protesting. His mother has found it difficult to make long trips to visit him, in addition she is a widow and lacks resources. “The effects on prison aren’t only on me but also on my family. Due to the lack of access to justice, they suffer with me every moment of repression. They feel scared and terrified. It is clear to us that the real criminals are in power and they make laws the way they want and the jails are full of indigenous people,” Ruíz Gómez denounces.

“Inside the prison I have learned many skills: I weave hammocks, bags and wooden crafts so i can support my family. Now I’m drawing, which is something that allows me to feel free and gives me strength to keep fighting,” says Marcelino, who on April 1 launched a virtual graphic exhibition called “For Life and Freedom”.

On March 15, 2019, the indigenous Tsotsil founded the Vineketik Organization in Resistance to fight for his freedom and to highlight the serious human rights violations within the criminal proceedings carried out with the use of torture. “We are innocent, we are paying for a crime we did not commit and we demand our freedom from the government,” he reported.

“They serve us very little and rotten food, which are strategies to intimidate me to stop resisting and fighting. You need everyone’s support to fight, otherwise the repression increases. Thanks to the support of collectives, Frayba and the media, my voice has been heard all over,” Marcelino said.

“Only the people can save the people”- O.C.S.S.

Voices in movement

This is a communiqué from the Southern Sierra Peasant Organization (Organización Campesina de la Sierra del Sur (O.C.S.S.) released on February 24, 2021, from Tepetixtla, Coyuca de Benítez, Guerrero, Mexico. Translation by Shantal Monserrat Lopez Victoria from Pozol.org.

“The new Mexican government is an effort to revitalize capitalism,” O.C.S.S. Guerrero, Mexico

O.C.S.S. TO THE CIPOG-EZ, CIN-CIG AND THE CRAC-PC-PF.

To the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejercito Zapatista de Liberación Nacional)
To the National Indigenous Congress
To the Indigenous Council of Government
To the people of Mexico and the world

We men and women of the rural towns of the Costa Grande of the state of Guerrero, were raised and taught the history of dignity by Generals Morelos, Guerrero, Zapata and our unforgettable compas and teachers Lucio Cabañas Barrientos and Professor Genaro Vázquez.

Twenty-six years after

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Clashes on the Occasion of International Women’s Day in Mexico and Colombia

AWM english

Mexico

In Mexico, clashes took place in Mexico City, Oaxaca, Puebla and Cuernavaca (Morelos). In the capital, at least 20,000 demonstrators protested against femicides (endemic phenomenon in the country) and against the insecurity experienced by women in the public space. 1700 police officers had been deployed to contain them.

Some protesters managed to knock down the metal fences protecting the national palace. The anti-riot police then used their shields to prevent protesters from entering the palace. Militant feminists set fire to police shields guarding the National Palace.

In Cuernavaca, capital of the state of Morelos, groups of hooded militants attacked public buildings. The headquarters of the judiciary was attacked with Molotov cocktail, while the windows of the government’s palace were broken. A church has also been attacked. Clashes have also been reported in the city of Xalapa located in the state of Veracruz. The anti-riot police attempted to split the procession but did not reach it.

In the city of Oaxaca de Juárez, the feminists attacked a church, as well as a building of the Ministry of Health. Finally clashes have been reported in the city of Puebla, capital of the state of Puebla.

Colombia

On the afternoon of March 8, a group of feminists set fire to the church of San Francisco de Asís during protests organized for Women’s Day (8M) in Bogotá (Colombia). The main door of the temple was set in flames.

The local newspaper Noticias Caracol, two Transmilenio buses, the Las Nieves and San Diego stations, a SITP bus and the Palace of Justice were also vandalized during the demonstration.

Collectives prepare for historical visit of Zapatista movement in Madrid

Voices in Movement

Written by Miguel Muñoz on February 1, 2021, translated by Shantal Montserrat Lopez Victoria.

On February 2, 2001, a march called La Marcha del Color de la Tierra set out from Chiapas, Mexico. On March 11 after thousands of kilometers it arrived to the capital Mexico City. The mobilization of the  Zapatista delegation proved symbolic and had a strong resonance with a whole generation of social movements throughout Europe. After two decades, another historic event will take place. Several Zapatista delegations will visit the European continent in July, August and September. In Madrid and other territories, different social movements are already preparing for the meeting.

“We have decided: That it is time for hearts to dance again, and that neither their song nor their steps should be those of lamentation or resignation. Diverse Zapatista delegations, men, women and other colored people of our land, shall go out to travel the world, we shall walk or sail to remote lands, seas and skies, seeking not the differences, nor superiority, nor offense, much less apologies and pity”. This is one of the paragraphs from  A Mountain on the High Seas communique announced last October by the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN-Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional) and endorsed by its current spokesperson, Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.

“After 20 years we set sail and march to tell the planet that, in the world that we perceive within our collective hearts, there is room for all of us, everyone, all of them. Simply and sincerely because this world is only attainable if all of us, all women and men, all together, fight to build it”, says another part of the text.

As a result of this declaration, the entire movement began organizing to receive the Zapatista delegation, which will not only be made up of the EZLN but also members of the National Indigenous Council and the Peoples’ Front in Defense of the Land (Consejo Nacional Indígena o y del Frente de los Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra) . This past week the first assembly was held among the collectives that will be participating in the preparations.

“There have been collectives supporting Zapatismo all over Europe for years,” Danaé, a member of the Y Retiemble collective, created in 2017, tells Cuartopoder. In addition, coordination and networks have taken place all over Europe. “People in Madrid were already getting organized through a network called Europa Zapatista in order to join together and connect with Mexico,” he adds.

A member of Y Retiembre explains that one of the messages that has been very clear from the Zapatista movement is that they have to “mobilize and organize”. The first date for activities are August 13, with a gathering in Madrid for the anniversary of the arrival of Hernán Cortés to Tenochtitlán. This is a proposal of the Zapatista community itself. Next, the “Meeting of Struggles for Life” (Encuentro de Luchas por la Vida) is scheduled for September 6-19.

“It is a meeting in the traditional Zapatista style. We are using the term meeting in the context used by the Zapatistas. It’s not the usual forum type format but rather a meeting about all the struggles that are going on. To meet each other as people,” explains Danaé.

To achieve this, a framework of 7 main themes of struggles has been devised: social rights, feminist and gender identities; anti-racist struggles, internationalist and decolonial struggles; defense of  land and territory; historical memory and freedom of expression; work and migration; art, culture and media. In addition, more activities will be held between now and September to the extent it is possible due to the health situation.

“The Zapatistas come to listen to us and narrate their struggles,” explains Danaé. For that reason, it is also intended that through specific visits, they get to know different collectives and specific struggles in the city of Madrid. From now on, groups will be created by topic and planned activities will be announced. Some initiatives are already underway, such as the distribution of a board game on Zapatismo, which can be purchased online. The collected funds will be used to finance activities. More than 2,000 copies have already been sold. For support groups this is a “historic meeting”. “Normally the Zapatistas have received many people in Mexico, but a tour at this level has never happened before,” says Danaé.

However, there is a gap in the memory of a whole generation within the Zapatista movement. For many years the main figure of the EZLN was Subcomandante Marcos who was very present in the social and political struggles of our country. “There is a generation that is very aware of what Zapatismo is. That is exactly why we are having this meeting. The goal is to organize here, we want to say that we are fighting for life.  We are setting up this meeting hoping to restore these messages because we are aware many people don’t know about the Zapatista proposal. It is very important that these messages resonate with the struggles here because there are many things that coincide”, concludes Danaé.

“We did what we had to do”-Subcomandante Moisés reflects on the EZLN uprising

Voices in Movement

On the 27th anniversary of the EZLN’s rebellion, Subcomandante Moisés stated: “We did what we had to do”. This is a conversation with the current Zapatista spokesperson who held the rank of major back on January 1st, 1994. We talk about the orgins of the uprising by the indigenous rebels.

Written & photo by Diego Enrique Osorno in Milenio. Translated by Shantal Montserrat Lopez Victoria

-To understand 94, we have to go back, could you tell us about the years prior to the uprising?

-Yes, 1983 was the year when some of our members arrived to the mountains of the Mexican southeast and began to recruit comrades which is why the membership of the organization grew. Then from ‘83 to ‘93 was the period of recruitment in the villages, the ‘underground period’.

The comrades began to look for people one by one but then we changed our recruitment methods because the people, the indigenous communities, have a certain way of meeting people in groups, collectively. And this is how we recruited those with moral authority. And yes, from that point on we continued to organize ourselves with towns and other areas. A region can be made up of lots small towns and communities. Some regions are made up of 20 communities or 30 communities, which is what we call a region.

As our political influence grew in these towns and regions, we made military preparations. We organized the compañeros and compañeras, until the day came when it was decided: It is time for us to head out.

-How did the arrival of members from the city affect the organization in the towns during that time?

-Small communities began to see things differently because they (members from the city) organized in a different way. What I want to say is that with the arrival of the EZLN, women began to have an important role, where before they weren’t even considered. Although there were some organizations (with women), they weren’t really taken seriously. That’s what changed during that time, there was more organization and respect for women.

-On January 1st, 1994, you were a major, not yet a Subcomandante. What was it like to experience the preparations for that day?

– ​We all arrived, insurgents and troops, we all got ready. Before I became a major I was Insurgent Moisés. We had trained in the mountains and helped our fellow comrades prepare; It was there that the troops had to take exams to become a commander. Starting from second lieutenant, lieutenant, then second captain, first captain, then major and so on. So, yes, the rank I had when we left on January 1st, 1994 was major, as is publicly known. We received training and on top of that, other special trainings courses, because we also had to go out into the city. The mountains are very different than the city. I had to be with my commander, Subcomandante Insurgente Pedro, who was teaching, preparing and training me.

And yes, there were a lot of the things he taught and explained to us before 1994 that I had to learn. He prepared me for times just like today with you, where we have to explain who we are, and talk to the people of Mexico; the teachers, the students, the workers and others.

-What other advice did Subcomandante Pedro give you during that training period?

-He would also say that we have to be prepared, because we do not know who will die, and he was right. We used to be underground but today we have organized ourselves with our comrades, for example with the National Indigenous Congress. We’re now openly working with the people. What happened in the past, is the past, as he would say. When we left at dawn in 1994, I had to do my part. He told me no matter happened I had to continue and take responsibility for my actions. Of course, I understood what he told me from the beginning: that whatever happens we have to continue fighting and here we are, still fighting.

-What was January 1st, 1994 like for you?

-Well, it was my duty to take over the Town Hall of Ocosingo along with Subcomandante Insurgente Pedro. He was in front of the town hall and I was off to the side, where the police were set up. Then we got separated, but we had said that we would be in communication when we were ready to head into the town hall.

I was waiting for his order, but it never came so I sent him a message to find out what was going on. I waited for a long time, but then I received a message that Sub Pedro had fallen in combat. So from then on, I had to take command and decide what we were going to do. The first thing we did was to check on our comrade Subcomandante Insurgente Pedro, so I took him outside, lifted his head, talked to him to see if he was still alive, but nothing. We got him out of there and took his body to a Zapatista community.

So then, we had to continue, we had to move forward. And that’s what I was organizing, because we had to go to another city, which was Comitán, and that’s what I was getting ready for. But then we received the order from Subcomandante Marcos that we had to retreat, and we had to retreat because that was the order. And that was that.

4 Indigenous Nahuas murdered by narco-paramiltaries In Guerrero, Mexico

Voices in Movement

Communique of CIPOG-EZ on the the assassination of four indigenous Nahuas in Guerrero, Mexico.

Chilapa de Álvarez, Guerrero, México, December 20th, 2020

To the Zapatista Army of National Liberation
to the National Indigenous Congress (CNI)
To the Indigenous Governing Council (CIG)
To the People of Guerrero, Mexico and the World
To the National and International Sixth
To the CNI-CIG Networks of Support
To the Free, Honest and Autonomous Media

As women, men, grandfathers, grandmothers, boys and girls of the Popular Indigenous Council of Guerrero-Emiliano Zapata (CIPOG-EZ)—Na Savi, Me pháá, Ñamnkue, Nahua, Afro-Mexican and Mestizo peoples of the state of Guerrero—we are again raising our voice with rage and pain. Yesterday, December 19th, 2020, around noon, our sisters María Agustín Chino and Amalia Morales Guapango, and our brothers José Benito Migueleño and Miguel Migueleño were found assassinated.

These brothers and sisters of the Indigenous Nahua community of Alcozacan, municipality of Chilapa de Álvarez, disappeared Friday December 18th. Yesterday around noon, their bodies were found in their truck on the Chilapa-Tlapa highway. They were tortured, bound at their hands, and given their “coup de grace.”

This has taken place precisely one month after we broke the narco-paramilitary siege, on November 18th, when thousands of Indigenous Nahuas recovered our mobility in our territory. As twenty-two communities surrounded by the narco-paramilitary group, Los Ardillos, we decided to say “Enough Already!” because it is not life that we are living. However, in response, they are already beginning to charge the fee in blood, because they want us to be slaves and they want us subdued.

We dared to denounce the subsecretary of Human Rights, Population and Migration of the 4T, Alejandro Encinas. He only comes to plant division and buy consciences precisely in Alcozacan. There, on January 17th, 2020, 10 compañeros were assassinated in a massacre. Now, far from arriving to justice, they are only sending more death and signals of war. Encinas and López Obrador, you are no different than the PRI. You have become what you pretend to combat.

Today, and in the times that come, they will continue killing us. Mexico is being built on our dead bodies. Once again, we are in the way. But we can no longer continue in slavery. Here in the Montaña Baja of Guerrero, COVID-19 is the least of it. They are assassinating us like animals without anyone listening, without anyone doing anything. Our “Enough Already!” will continue and will cost more blood because no struggle for true freedom and justice has ever been smooth. Never in history have Indigenous peoples been given our freedom.

We hold responsible the municipal government of Chilapa de Álvarez led by Jesús Parra García of the PRI, the state government of Héctor Astudillo Flores of the PRI, and the president of the republic, Andrés Manuel López Obrador of MORENA, for the assassination of María Agustín Chino, Amalia Morales Guapango, José Benito Migueleño and Miguel Migueleño. The three levels of government know perfectly well that happens in Chilapa, but they make deals instead of ending organized crime.

Celso Ortega Jiménez is the operating command of “Los Ardillos.” Bernardo Ortega Jiménez is the political command. The ministerial police of Chilapa de Álvarez, as we have already denounced, are part of the problem and the National Guard knows this well. After being in the same place for so long, the National Guard are only spying on our organization instead of dismantling organized crime.

Our state organizers continue receiving death threats. Intimidation in the base communities of the CIPOG-EZ and CNI-CIG is becoming more and more fierce. Now, more murder. And again, impunity on part of the authorities only makes their complicity clear. That is why Encinas refuses to provide precautionary measures and why the CNDH did not send any visitors to register the human rights violations in Chilapa and the 22 communities that have suffered the narco-paramilitary siege.

Sisters and brothers who have not abandoned us, help us to share this word and let it be known what the 4T and its ally the PRI are doing in Guerrero. May our dead not remain in the shadow of “progress.” May our blood sow the path of freedom for our people.

We will we mobilizing and we reiterate our determined “Enough Already!” Our struggle is for life and freedom. We do not want to be slaves of organized crime, nor a bargaining chip of bad governments in disguise.

Sincerely,

Popular Indigenous Council of Guerrero-Emiliano Zapata (CIPOG-EZ)
Regions: Costa Chica, Costa Montaña, Montaña Alta and Montaña Baja de Guerrero
Campesino Organization of the Southern Sierra (O.C.S.S.)
End the paramilitary war against the Zapatista communities of the EZLN!
End the Narco-Paramilitary war against the Indigenous communities of the CNI-CIG!
Justice for all the prisoners, assassinated and disappeared of the CNI-CIG!
Never more a Mexico without us!
This was translated Anonynmously by It’s Going Down.

For Life and Against Money The CNI-CIG and the EZLN Call for Solidarity with the People’s Front in Defense of the Land and Water of Morelos, Puebla, and Tlaxcala

Enlace Zapatista

To the people of Mexico:
To the peoples of the world:
To the Sixth in Mexico and abroad:
To the media:

The National Indigenous Congress-Indigenous Governing Council [CNI-CIG] and the Zapatista Army for National Liberation [EZLN] denounce the National Guard’s cowardly eviction of the compañeros maintaining the resistance camp in San Pedro Apatlaco, Morelos, on November 23, 2020. This eviction was carried out in order to resume the illegal construction of the aqueduct that carries water from the Cuautla River to the Huexca thermoelectric plant.

With utter cynicism the neoliberal government says it governs this country while actually just obeying its real bosses—big capital. With utter cynicism the armed forces, under their overseer’s orders, violate the rights of our peoples, stealing water from the Cuautla River from the peasant communities of Ayala and turning it over to the corporations that will profit from the Integrated Morelos Project: Elecnor and Enagasa, who were awarded the contract for the gas pipeline; Bonatti and Abengoa, who will build the gas pipeline and the thermoelectric plant in Huexca; and Saint Gobain, Nissan, Burlington, Continental, and Northeast Natural Gas, who will profit from gas sales.

The armed forces and the neoliberal government use the Integrated Morelos Project to justify military flyovers to exercise repression and advance the development of energy infrastructure, which is based on the destruction and dispossession of the originary peoples’ territories. Over the spilled blood of our people, like our compañero Samir Flores Soberanes, they exploit nature, allowing the owners of transnational capital to destroy the mountains through mining concessions and ceding the region’s water to the industrial corridors in Cuautla, Yecapixtla, Cuernavaca, and elsewhere in the states of Morelos, Puebla, and Tlaxcala. The overseer who claims to govern this country ordered, with total cynicism and impunity, the trampling of the supposed rule of law, violating eight court-ordered suspensions of the aqueduct project, which would divert and contaminate the region’s water through the construction of the Huexca thermoelectric plant. This is also a violation of two other court-ordered suspensions regarding gas pipeline construction within the periphery of the sacred Popocatepetl volcano and contamination of the Cuautla River, both part of the Integrated Morelos Project.

Given the above and faced with increasing tensions and violations of the rule of law, we hold the bad governments of the state of Morelos and the nation responsible for any repression or attacks against our compañeros and compañeras in struggle who resist these megaprojects of death. In particular we call for solidarity with the People’s Front in Defense of the Land and Water of Morelos, Puebla, and Tlaxcala.

Sincerely
November 2020
For the Full Reconstitution of Our Peoples
Never Again a Mexico Without Us
National Indigenous Congress-Indigenous Governing Council [CNI-CIG]
Zapatista Army for National Liberation
Mexico, November of 2020.

Town Hall Set on Fire in Protest Against Water Privatisation in Mexico

Abolition Media Worldwide

Militants in Chignautla set fire to the municipal presidency on Monday morning and blocked the main road of this municipality located in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, to protest against the “municipalisation” of the drinking water service.

This municipalisation is in fact a privatization, which explains the attack. The two floors of the building were set on fire by militants furious at not finding the mayor there.

Elements of the National Guard arrived at the scene, because revolutionaries, armed with sticks and stones, attacked the police who were trying to protect the mayor’s office.

Freedom for Fredy Garcia and all political prisoners!

Voices in Movement

Photo by Iraís Delgado.

Freedom, freedom to the prisoners in the struggle!

Fredy Garcia of the Committee for the Defense of Indigenous Rights (CODEDI: Spanish acronym) has been unjustly imprisoned since November 6, 2019 for his work in defending indigenous lands and communities.  The process has been full of irregularities and based on fabricated charges including those of “assault”, “injuries” and “aggravated robbery”. Fredy has been in preventive detention Tlacolula, Oaxaca since he was arrested. On 10 July 2020 he was severely  beaten and tortured bya group of prison guards who reportedly said that they were acting on “orders from above”.

The indigenous communities of CODEDI are located on the coast and in the southern mountains of Oaxaca and are fighting against rich landowners, strong economic interests and organized crime. They have have denounced violations perpetrated in the hydroelectric and mining projects in the state of Oaxaca for this reason powerful forces are using violence to intimidate the organization. It’s a war against autonomous and indigenous peoples who not only defend their territories, but also the right to freedom of expression, organization, self-determination and biodiversity, as well as the survival and future of all Mexicans.

Since January 2018 there have been five members of CODEDI murdered, two attempted assassinations, six arbitrary arrests, three raid and robbery incidents, as well as persistent threats against its members.

In the context of the pandemic, the health of Mr. Garcia and of all prisoners in the country is at serious risk because there are no minimum conditions of human dignity in prisons. It is also impossible to practice hygiene measures and to maintain a healthy distance in places of confinement and overcrowding.

FREEDOM IS MORE IMPORTANT TODAY THAN EVER! Freedom for Fredy and all political prisoners!

Freedom for people accused of crimes they did not commit!


Information from Irais Delgado and Front Line Defenders. Translated by Angeloen.

Campaign begins for the release of young Yaqui Fidencio Aldama

Voices in Movement

From Gloria Muñoz Ramírez’s column “Los de Abajo” Translated by Shantal Montserrat Lopez Victoria

November 7 marks the first anniversary of the femicide of renowned anthropologist, activist and colleague Raquel Padilla Ramos. She was killed in her own home in Ures, Sonora. Her murderer is in jail as is Fidencio Aldama, a young Yaqui accused of a crime he did not commit in which Raquel fought until her last days for his freedom.

Fidencio’s wife, Carmen García has not stopped fighting for the release of her partner. He is one more person on the political prisoners list, which was given to the current President of Mexico (Andrés Manuel López Obrador) two years ago. As Padilla Ramos always said: Sentencing Fidencio is a means of putting pressure on the people of Loma de Bácum who are in opposition to a gas pipeline passing through their territory.

In April 2016, the Yaqui town of Loma de Bácum filed a petition against the construction of a gas pipeline that would cross 90 kilometers of the Guaymas-Oro region. Starting from that moment seven of the eight towns that make up the tribe endorsed the project, all of them, except for Loma de Bácum, started facing threats, divisions, and violence. Once an injunction from the seventh district court based in Ciudad Obregón was gained, the construction, which had begun in 2013, was brought to a halt in 2016.

Nevertheless, with the victory came violence to the extent that four years ago, on October 21, armed individuals entered the town. A “brawl” was incited in which a bullet killed one person. Almost randomly, Fidencio was chosen as the guilty party without any witnesses or expert evidence.

The family of the Yaqui political prisoner warned that people from the government had been coming into  the community implying if they withdraw Fidencio’s writ of amparo (legal protection), he could be released. However, they are up against a tribe with integrity which refuses to give up its territory.

This week, a campaign was launched for his release. Fidencio’s wife and community call for his support because, as the beloved Raquel Padilla Ramos always said, Fidencio is innocent.

desinformémonos.org

losylasdeabajo@yahoo.com.mx